Failing to inform the president, the deputy defense secretary, and the Pentagon bureaucracy of his recent multiday medical incapacity this week, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin must be relieved of his office. Austin has shown moments of strong leadership, such as on Ukraine. But he can no longer command the nation’s confidence at the Pentagon.
To understand why, consider the teachings of the U.S. Army War College. A retired four-star U.S. Army general, Austin should know these principles well. That Army educational institute teaches senior military officers to become generals. It focuses on strategic leadership.
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The College explains that “To succeed at the strategic level, leaders must: (1) understand the breadth, scope, and complexity of the environment in which they operate; (2) appreciate the magnitude of the potential costs of their decisions; (3) leverage senior leadership teams, and (4) operate as stewards of the profession, embracing both their responsibilities to lead the profession and manage the profession’s bureaucratic arm.”
Hiding his medical incapacity from White House and Pentagon leaders, Austin has failed on each and every one of these counts. Let’s apply Austin’s decisions to each of those Army War College principles.
On point 1, note Austin’s decision not to inform Deputy Defense Secretary Kathleen Hicks of his incapacity. While Hicks received some authority delegation, she lacked both total acting authority and clarity as to Austin’s hospitalization.
Put simply, Austin allowed the national defense command chain to break down. What the military calls “friction,” or uncertainty, was introduced into that command chain. But not by an adversary but by Austin himself. Austin thus utterly failed to “understand the breadth, scope, and complexity” of his operating environment.
After all, that operating environment includes the threat posed by Iran and the Houthis in the Red Sea, North Korean missile tests, and Russia’s war in Ukraine and associated threats to Eastern Europe. It also includes China’s threat to Taiwan and escalating aggression toward a U.S. treaty defense ally, the Philippines. These are only the “known knowns.” A Defense Secretary must also ensure the U.S. military is ready for unexpected contingencies such as coups or major terrorist attacks. That starts with unceasing leadership readiness and direction.
On point 2, Austin neglected to “appreciate the magnitude of the potential costs” of his not informing those who needed to know that he couldn’t fulfill his duties. This bears particular note in relation to the nuclear command authority, of which Austin is the central link after the president.
In the nuclear domain, seconds matter greatly. Hence why nuclear command and control authorities are the very first thing that new defense secretaries are briefed upon. Those seconds might be the difference between millions of lives lost or saved. Or America’s ability to launch or prevent a second strike. What if Biden couldn’t get hold of Austin? What if confusion reigned, albeit only temporarily? This point alone demands Austin’s departure.
On point 3, failing to keep Hicks adequately informed and fully vested with his authorities, Austin didn’t simply fail to “leverage his senior leadership teams,” he essentially left them in the blind. That’s intolerable from a national security standpoint.
On point 4, Austin clearly ignored the need “to lead the profession and manage the profession’s bureaucratic arm.” He left the profession without leadership and the bureaucracy on the literal knife edge of confusion and chaos.
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Moreover, what message do Austin’s choices send to his subordinates in the vast Defense Department organization? Hide the truth? Accept extreme risk in terms of unpreparedness for contingencies? Keep your commanding officers and subordinates alike in the dark?
Austin has to go.
