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The Servile State Paperback – November 1, 2007

4.6 out of 5 stars 223 ratings

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The Servile State, published in 1912, is Hilaire Belloc's foray into economic theory and philosophy. In it he promotes the idea of "distributism," as opposed to capitalism and socialism. "The servile state is that in which the mass of men shall be constrained by law to labor for the profit of a minority," Belloc says. And this state is the ordinary and natural ends of both capitalism and socialism, though they may arrive there by different routes. In contrast, Belloc envisions a society in which each individual strives to be the owner of means of production, rather than a worker who merely earns wages. By owning what he needs to make his living, man can experience true freedom. It has happened before, he says, most notably in Britain before the Protestant Reformation. Modern readers will hear many echoes from Belloc in today's campaigns for co-ops and locally-owned businesses, which seek to replace large corporations with smaller operations that more adequately distribute wealth. Students of economics and history, as well as those interested in politics and the effects of economics on society, will find this a thought-provoking and galvanizing read. French writer and thinker HILAIRE BELLOC (1870-1953) is known as "the man who wrote a library." He expounded extensively on a number of subjects, including French and British history, military strategy, satire, comic and serious verse, literary criticism, topography and travel, translations, and religious, social, and political commentary. Among his most famous works are The Path to Rome (1902) and Emmanuel Burden (1903).
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Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Cosimo Classics
  • Publication date ‏ : ‎ November 1, 2007
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Print length ‏ : ‎ 208 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1602068674
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1602068674
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 9.6 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.5 x 0.48 x 8.5 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.6 out of 5 stars 223 ratings

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Customers find the book easy to read and appreciate its insightful historical analysis, with one noting interesting parallels with current world economic conditions. They value its effectiveness in explaining alternative economic theory and consider it ahead of its time.

20 customers mention "Readability"16 positive4 negative

Customers find the book easy to read and well worth their time, with one customer noting it's a wonderful read for understanding attitudes.

"Excellent and easy to understand... Belloc really drives his point till you no longer can't but agree...." Read more

"Great Book, but......" Read more

"...Pick up this important little book. Give it a good and thoughtful read. And be richly blessed by the experience." Read more

"...Whole letters are left-off the pages, quotation marks instead of apostrophes, even words missing...." Read more

14 customers mention "Thought provoking"14 positive0 negative

Customers find the book thought-provoking, with its insightful historical analysis and effective explanation of alternative economic theory. One customer notes its interesting parallels with current world economic conditions, while another mentions how it challenges readers' beliefs.

"...Acknowledging that point, we can say that Belloc's book is remarkably prophetic, beautifully written, as are all of his works, and still..." Read more

"Belloc effectively explains the alternative economic theory called Distributism and the flaws in Capitalism & Socialism / Collectivism / Communism...." Read more

"...Up to this point, I've found Belloc's sound reasoning to be a breath of fresh air amidst the gray, flavorless relativism of today...." Read more

"...It challenges the reader on his/her beliefs, and opens the door to the idea of distributism...." Read more

3 customers mention "Time difference"3 positive0 negative

Customers appreciate the book's foresight, with one noting it is so ahead of its time and another describing it as the best starting point.

"...distributism for a while, and this book kept coming up as the best starting point...." Read more

"...He was so ahead of his time and I have found a new favorite writer. We should all thank the Lord for Hilaire Belloc...." Read more

"Belloc, prescient as ever, still needs to be complemented by newer research..." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on February 23, 2001
    In "Road to Serfdom" economist F.A. Hayek recognized the vision of Hilaire Belloc's 1913 book "The Servile State". Writing during World War II, Hayek said: "Even much more recent warnings [about Socialism] which have proved dreadfully true have been almost entirely forgotten. It is not yet thirty years since Hilaire Belloc, in a book which explains more of what has happened since in Germany than most works written after the event, explained that `the effects of Socialist doctrine on Capitalist society is to produce a third thing different from either of its two begetters - to wit, the Servile State."
    In short, Belloc said, you get the worst of both worlds, a master class (monopolist Capitalists) using the power of government (Socialism) to control workers. There is name for the condition where one group of people uses the force of law to control the work another group of people; it is called "slavery".
    He wrote this in a much different era and it takes some effort to put aside some of the things we take for granted. Belloc saw things like worker's compensation laws as baby steps toward slavery. They tended to create in the law two classes of people, employers (read "Masters") and workers (read "serfs"). It divided "us" into "us and them".
    "Servile State" goes full circle, beginning with slavery in the Roman Empire. The slaves had a degree a freedom and could save up money to free themselves, but they were still slaves. Under Christianity the slave became a peasant with rights of inheritance. Christianity introduced a rough egalitarianism ("And because you are sons, God has sent the Spirit of his Son into our hearts crying, `Abba, Father.' So that he is no longer a slave, but a son; and if a son, an heir through God." - Galatians 4:6-7.) and the breakdown of the empire encouraged rights by tradition (A farmer might say, "Well, we get to keep 2/3 of everything we grow because it's always been that way."). Belloc argues that rights were increasing throughout the Dark Ages. His view of the time may be a bit rosy, but recent scholarship has tended to lighten up that Darkness and vindicate Belloc's reading.
    Then came the Renaissance and Reformation. The aristocracy began taking commonly held peasant lands. In England the aristocracy used these lands to graze sheep in order to sell the wool. Thomas More, a fierce defender of traditional rights, lamented this at the time in "Utopia": "`Your sheep,' I said. `Once they were gentle and ate little, but now I hear that they have become so greedy and wild that they are devouring the human population." Calvinism's theory of predestination would come along to justify this redistribution of wealth. The rich were rich because they were also the Elect. The newly impoverished peasants were poor because they were the damned. That the "ignorant peasants" tended also to cling to the Old Religion of Catholicism only reinforced this view. The aristocracy took the opportunity to extend their land monopoly by confiscating Church lands as Christendom crumbled.
    From there on, according to Belloc, things tended to go downhill, at least in Europe. The State was growing in power and intrusiveness. Pure sweatshop monopoly Capitalism and pure Communism were both bound to fail, Belloc wrote. He said they were too unstable and he was right. Perhaps we would create a society where each person would own enough of the means of production to support himself. Perhaps we could become nations of small farms and family businesses. Belloc called this Distributivism and it owes much to Pope Leo XII's encyclical "Rerum Novarum" where the pope outlines a just society. Belloc, ever the pessimist, thought this would make a great ideal society, but that people weren't up for it. Instead he thought we would decline into a new thing, the Servile State. Whether it would be the slavery of fascism or the Welfare "Nanny" State run amok, he didn't say.
    100 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on February 6, 2020
    Format: KindleVerified Purchase
    ...wants to understand why people instinctively fear socialism while abhorring the “rat race” of wage earning and usury paying under capitalism? Read this book. Manufacturing did not create the concentration of ownership in our Western Industrial Society, it was in place thanks to the Reformation-caused land grabs of the 16th Century—and that concentrated wealth became the model for our modern economy. As Rome passed from Republic to Empire as Freeholders of property in Italy disappeared, as England was transformed from a Catholic Kingdom with common land where slavery was replaced by villages of small property owning free men to a Protestant oligarchic empire overlording a property-less proletarian mass of men, so now The United States has moved from a republic of small owners who enjoyed both political and economic freedom, toward oligarchy and empire and an ever-growing proletarian class that would balk at being called “slave” or their employer “master”—yet that is what they have become. When the only choices are the few owning almost all with some promise of security to the masses or the state officers owning all in the name of the people, most opt for the former having seen how the latter fails—never realizing that just as in England, their right to a share of property is as essential to their political freedom as their right to bear arms. And that without property, political freedom must inevitably be abandoned. Read this and see why the two “sides” in our political discourse are so unsatisfying since they only lead toward polite slavery for the mass of men—and how this was not always true.
    23 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 28, 2013
    Format: KindleVerified Purchase
    Belloc's »The Servile State« (TSS) is one of the key works to be read if you're interested in the debate about how to implement Catholic social teaching (CST), especially for someone interested in knowing more about the distributist (or distributivist) side of the debate. This is not to say that only Catholics will find TSS worth reading. Belloc's religious perspective aside, TSS should be read by anyone wanting to add a trenchant, too little know voice to the discussion of the history and nature of capitalism. In any event, Belloc's thesis is this: a) given its historical genesis in a society in which only a minority of the people owned lands and the means of production, b) capitalism inevitably tended and still tends towards an unstable imbalance between owners and workers; c) the only solution for this imbalance is either i) a socialization (nationalization) of all industries, ii) a return to the pre-capitalist mode of widespread productive ownership (what Belloc calls the proprietary or distributist state), or iii) a perpetual entrenchment of owners as socially benign managerial masters, on the one hand, and workers as well-cared-for wage serfs, on the other.

    Now, if you're a supporter of free markets, your stomach is probably doing somersaults at what seems like boilerplate Marxism. However, distributism is not socialism, and certainly not Marxism. For one thing, distributists insist upon private property as a basic human right; for another, distributism is not necessarily (sic) wedded to the dialectical materialism of Marxism. This, in fact, is why Belloc argues that socialism, again pace Marx, is not the end result of concentrated crony capitalism: private ownership and freedom of labor are too central a part of our society, so unless we suffer a complete collapse of the market, socialism is really not an option for societies with a strong rule of law and property rights. Historical determinism this is not.

    Since, however, concentrated capitalism is manifestly too unstable for the mass of workers (and thus also for the owners who rely on their labor), some solution must be found. Reverting to a wide dispersion of private productive ownership is Belloc's hope, yet he plainly admits that it would be too disruptive for most people, accustomed as they have become to reliable if not very romantic wage income and increasingly cheaper manufactured goods. This is one of Belloc's most striking points (even though he was writing about early twentieth-century England, not early twenty-first-century America): if over the next decade all the major industries in the USA were nationalized, how many ordinary people would notice, much less protest? As long as wages kept coming, Belloc argues, and as benefits kept getting stronger with federal backing, not many citizens would make a peep. As such, our society is closer to the servile state than to either genuine free-market or traditional widespread private ownership. We are, as Samuel Gregg argues in his book of the same name, "becoming Europe" (Becoming Europe: Economic Decline, Culture, and How America Can Avoid a European Future), which, ironically enough, would have meant to Belloc that we are becoming a servile state. Indeed, when I asked one of the leading distributist authors in our day, "Don't most EU nations count as prime example of the servile state?", he agreed, adding that such a state is the only stable form of capitalism.

    Upon hearing that, I was reminded of two reservations I had in mind during this, my second, reading of TSS. (The first time time read TSS, it mostly went over my head, since I was still pretty rusty on economics in general and hadn't read enough in distributism from other writers.) First reservation: what does Belloc (or my distributist colleague) mean by capitalism, and why should I accept that definition? Short answer, they're talking about "crony capitalism," or Chinese-style "statist capitalism," but, as the T-short says, "Crony Capitalism ≠ Free Enterprise"! To his credit, Belloc notes a number of times in TSS that the abuses of concentrated capital by owners is not of the essence of capitalism, but is in fact *a political failure* consistently to apply long-standing rules about the equality of the right to property. (My colleague, by contrast, is inclined to see our current crony-capitalist state, and Europe's more benign nanny state, along Marxist lines as the historically necessary result of capitalism per se; but that says more about him, I think, than it does about Belloc or distributism.) This is a huge concession, though, since classical free-market advocates don't mean that free markets are "free-floating" (à la abstract entities brought into existence by the mere incantation of "the pure laissez-faire model"); free-market theory *assumes* a politically egalitarian order animated by commonly shared moral expectations (which is why the "there are not *PURE* free markets" argument (à la Ha-Joon Chang) is as dumb the "Somalia argument" is against libertarians). So, if even Belloc grants that capitalism per se isn't the problem, can we please do away with the Marxoid rants about greed and the profit motive and ugly commercialism, and instead strive for concrete public policy changes that promote widespread entry into the market? That's also what free markets mean: they liberate civilians to enjoy equal low-barrier, access to the marketplace of common goods, and "free up" goods that are otherwise locked out as insolvent capital goods (c.f. De Soto's »The Mystery of Capital«).

    My second reservation was, "If Europe is the servile state, what's wrong with it?" I mean this not from my own perspective, but in the eyes of most humans at this point in history. Historically, people left their farm holdings for a reason: farming is really hard, and arguably no more secure than taking one's chances on the labor market. Why castigate our ancestors for choosing a path that has manifestly led to longer lifespans, lower infant mortality rates, accelerated innovation in science and art, and, indeed, to the very society which we love to hate? Indeed, Belloc--a landed aristocrat, by the way--would apparently rather have farmstead families struggle on their own with pitchforks than have neighborhoods of factory families struggle together with coal shovels.) Belloc does acknowledge this 'populist' fiat, saying that the main obstacle to a distributive state is not law or greed but simply the fact that most people don't think ownership is worth it, but you can tell he finds it offensive. This signals to me a key discrepancy in some distributist writing: on the one hand you hear that America needs better social support programs, like Europe, and that America needs for nationalized regulations, like Europe--but then you hear that Europe is sustainable capitalism. To wit, even a casual reading of "the social encyclicals" (from Leo XIII's »Rerum Novarum: Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on Capital and Labor (English translation!)« in 1891 to Benedict XVI's »Charity in Truth: Caritas in Veritate« in 2009, so far) endorse policies much more in accord with European statism than American liberalism. If the point of the state is to promote, and intervene, on behalf of the common good, and if European nanny states seem to be doing that--Denmark or Sweden are always cited as being among "the happiest" places in the world--, then why not go with the servile state? (Something about subsidiarity, mumble mumble.) Which is it? Should America be like Europe and enjoy a strong social welfare network, or should America vastly reduce its federal machinery and approach what in any other context would be utter anathema to distributists--something like a libertarian free market?

    In any case, one final objection I have to Belloc's historical, rather than aesthetic or logical, case is this: capitalism was born in the middle ages, so if Belloc wants to take us back to the middle ages, he wants to take us right back to the inception of the servile state. To start, read Rodney Stark's »The Victory of Reason: How Christianity Led to Freedom, Capitalism, and Western Success« or Thomas Woods's »How the Catholic Church Built Western Civilization« to learn more about the medieval roots of capitalism. On top of that, the fetish that distributists have for "guilds" is just that--a fetish. There is plenty of evidence that the guilds stifled creativity, restricted outsiders from entering the market, catered to the aristocracy at the expense of the common people (with the cost of their finely made fine arts), and were basically everything that's wrong with crony capitalism but on a smaller (and therefore harder to see) scale. Read Sheilagh Ogilvie's »Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000-1800 (Cambridge Studies in Economic History - Second Series)« to get a much fuller picture than the glass menagerie daydream that too many distributists like to wax about. If you read this, you must also read Thomas Woods's Beyond Distributism, which is, I think, a revised or expanded version of a chapter in his The Church and the Market: A Catholic Defense of the Free Economy (Studies in Ethics and Economics). A couple other theologically informed pro-market books you should check out are Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism Is the Solution and Not the Problem and Defending the Free Market: The Moral Case for a Free Economy.

    Having said ALL THAT, I strongly recommend TSS, especially at such a good price for the Kindle edition. Read it and then read as much of Belloc's other works! Also read the related books by G. K. Chesterton on distributism: What's Wrong with the World, Utopia of Usurers, and The Well and the Shallows. For a more systematic look at Distributism (capital D!), read Beyond Capitalism & Socialism: A New Statement of an Old Ideal, Distributist Perspectives: Volume I, Distributist Perspectives: Volume II: Essays on the Economics of Justice and Charity (Distributist Perspectives series), The Hound of Distributism, and Toward a Truly Free Market: A Distributist Perspective on the Role of Government, Taxes, Health Care, Deficits, and More (Culture of Enterprise).

    I could go on all night providing links, but for now, do the reading, join the debate, love God, and love the poor!
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  • Suzannah
    5.0 out of 5 stars I really like it.
    Reviewed in Canada on August 1, 2015
    Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
    Very informative book. I really like it.
  • BARTHELEMY
    5.0 out of 5 stars pour comprendre le distributisme
    Reviewed in France on August 12, 2020
    ouvrage de référence, qu'il vaut mieux avoir lu avant de lire Chesterton (Outline of Sanity)
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  • Lark
    5.0 out of 5 stars Overlooked political master piece, best edition
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 18, 2009
    This is an overlooked political masterpiece and Robert Nisbet's introduction makes it one of the best editions as Nisbet, an American conservative, contextualises it for more contemporary (although mainly American) readers.

    Belloc's main conjecture is that industrial society as he knew it tends towards the re-establishment of slavery, he opens with a chapter sayings so, followed by a chapter of definitions, a chapter charting the decline and dissolution of an original servile state, the rise and then decline of a "distributive state", followed by the rise of capitalist and then the changes effected by socialist values.

    Belloc's central thesis that a servile state distinctly different from either capitalism or socialism is rudely out of step with a lot of left and right political opinion. Belloc does not identify tax and spend or less than limited constitutional government as socialist or the flip side as capitalist per se.

    The distributive state, which Belloc describes as a kind of short lived interlude of freedom, is a state of diffuse proprietorship and artisan economy, mainly agrarian, which emerged as formal slavery faded out within Christendom.

    As Nisbet points out in the introduction, unlike Belloc who considered himself to be politically akin to left liberalism, for some people this is the very definition of capitalism, freedom and Jefferson's utopian vision of independent yeoman farmers, still popular in America today.

    There is no recommendation for action to re-establish a distributive state, rather Belloc describes state as a high point in terms of individual freedom, spontaneous order and community which society has rapidly lost sight of.

    Contrary to many socialist, or even some capitalist, historical explanations Belloc does not chart the rise of contemporary capitalist structures and norms as coinciding with the industrial revolution but instead considers the protestant reformation to be the crucial starting point for the trend he looks at. As Nisbet notes in his introduction this is contrary to a lot of opinion that the considers the reformation as infact a new dawn for, rather than eclipse of, individual freedom.

    While there is something of the sunday sermon in Belloc, which may not make him an appealing read for many contemporary readers, it is the unusual explanation for social trends that some how remains original despite being written so long ago.

    Even should readers disagree with Bellocs central thesis or any of the many conjectures he makes throughout the book it is a book which will encourage a reappraisal of many things that they may have taken for granted. This could be the very definition of a talented writer, encouraging the reader to look at the familiar anew with a fresh perspective.

    I recommend this book to any fans of Nisbet, any fans of Belloc's other Roman Catholic or historical writting, fans of Chesterton and any readers interested in good or unusual political writing. Particularly politically interested readers not entirely content or convinced by traditional left-right and centre political labels.
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  • Hanniel
    5.0 out of 5 stars Distributionismus als dritter Weg: Eine Wirtschafts- und Politgeschichte Europas
    Reviewed in Germany on February 22, 2019
    Die einzige Alternative zu Privateigentum ist öffentliches Eigentum. (101)
    Sozialismus ist (scheint) als einfachste Lösung für die Krux des Kapitalismus. (107)

    Wer war der Autor?
    Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) war französisch-britischer Schriftsteller und Historiker. Sein katholischer Glaube beeinflusste seine Arbeit stark. Die hilfreiche Einführung von Belloc-Biograf Joseph Pearce (* 1961) unterstützt die Rahmung des Werks. Pearce meint, dass zur Zeit der Abfassung der Philosoph noch die Theologie und der Historiker noch die Philosophie gekannt hätte. Eine strikte Fächertrennung kannte Belloc jedenfalls nicht. „The Servile State“ versteht sich als Panorama der ökonomischen und politischen Geschichte Europas.

    Das Anliegen des Buches in einem Satz
    Belloc entfaltet eine historische Meta-Analyse: Europa kommt aus einer Gesellschaft der Sklaverei hervor, die durch die Christianisierung im Mittelalter verschwand und seit der Enteignung der Klöster im 16. Jh. wieder Fuss zu fassen begann. Die Saat des Kapitalismus war vor der Industrialisierung gesetzt. Nach Belloc gibt es dazu nur zwei Alternativen zum Sklavenstaat: Entweder Sozialismus oder Distributionismus, der Boden und Kapital breit verteilt.
    Definition: Der Sklavenstaat führt obligatorische Arbeit gesetzlich für die Masse seiner Bürger ein, die weder Boden noch Kapital besitzen (11). Zeitgemäss ausgedrückt: Ein Staat, in dem die Masse der Menschen durch das Gesetz zur Arbeit zugunsten der Profite einer kleinen Minderheit angehalten ist; im Gegenzug geniesst die Masse gewisse Sicherheiten (118).

    Das Leseerlebnis
    Das knapp 200-seitige Buch ist glasklar aufgebaut. Bereits im Vorwort fasst der Autor die Hauptargumente und den Gedankenfluss zusammen, am Anfang definiert er die Begriffe. In neun Abschnitten, versehen mit aussagekräftigen Titeln, wird die These entfaltet. Am Schluss jedes Abschnitts erfolgt eine Zusammenfassung.
    Diese methodische Führung hilft beim Aneignen des für uns unüblichen Gedankengangs. Die wichtigen Argumente werden absichtlich wiederholt, damit sie sich festsetzen können.
    Dem Buch fehlt der wissenschaftliche Apparat mit den Quellen. Als Nicht-Historiker fehlt mir damit die Überprüfbarkeit. Trotzdem hat das Buch viele Überlegungen in mir angestossen.

    Die Struktur
    In der Einleitung wird These und Entfaltung dieser vorgestellt.
    Abschnitt 1: Definitionen
    Abschnitt 2: Sklaverei im vorchristlichen Europa
    Abschnitt 3: Wie der Sklavenstaat schrittweise verschwand
    Abschnitt 4: Wie der distributive Staat (in Grossbritannien) scheiterte
    Abschnitt 5: Wachstum und Instabilität des kapitalistischen Staats
    Abschnitt 6: Drei Alternativen – Kollektivismus, Distributionismus, Sklavenstaat
    Abschnitt 7: Sozialismus als „einfachste“ Lösung für den kapitalistischen Staat
    Abschnitt 8: Typen von Reformern und die Reaktion der Masse
    Abschnitt 9: Warum der Sklavenstaat wieder gekommen ist (Beispiele aus GB)

    Die Argumente
    1. Im kapitalistischen Staat sind die Bürger zwar politisch frei, jedoch in eine kleine Minderheit aufgeteilt, welche Boden und Kapital besitzen, sowie dem Rest, welcher nicht darüber verfügt und von dieser Minderheit abhängig ist (23).
    2. Der freie Mensch kann Arbeit ablehnen und diese Weigerung als Instrument benutzen, um zu verhandeln, während der Sklave über kein solches Instrument oder die entsprechende Macht zum Handeln verfügt. Vielmehr ist dieser für sein Wohlergehen von der Gewohnheit der Gesellschaft abhängig, den Sklaven durch Gesetze zu schützen (25).
    3. Der letztliche Gegensatz zwischen Sklave und Freien wird durch den Staat zementiert, der dem Unfreien Sicherheit für seinen Lebensunterhalt, dem Freien hingegen Sicherheit für sein Eigentum, Gewinne, Mieten und Zinsen garantiert (28).
    4. Über die Jahrhunderte wurden die ehemaligen Sklaven in der römischen Villa zu freien Bürgern, die sowohl Land wie Kapital besassen (57). Dies begann durch die örtliche Bindung. Später wurden sie zu einer fixen Abgabe verpflichtet, den Überschuss durften sie behalten. In den Zünften organisierten sich in den Städten die freien Bürger, wobei nur wenige Instrumente der Gemeinschaft gehörten.
    5. Im 16. Jahrhundert gingen in GB ca. 30 % des Gesamtvermögens an die wenigen (Gross-)Grundbesitzer übrig, nicht jedoch an die Krone (69). Eine überaus mächtige Oligarchie dominierte fortan die verarmte Krone (71).
    6. Erst nach diesem grundsätzlichen Wechsel der Besitzverhältnisse ereignete sich die Industrialisierung. Sämtliche Produktionsmittel (Boden und Kapital) dafür waren in den Händen der Oligarchie. Sie verpflichteten die Masse zur Lohnarbeit und behielten die Überschüsse für sich.
    7. Dieser kapitalistische Staat blieb in sich instabil. Um die Masse ruhig zu halten, musste er zu nicht-kapitalistischen Massnahmen greifen und gewisse Minimalbedingungen gewähren (um nicht Unruhen zu produzieren).
    8. Das Bewusstsein von Eigentum bleibt der Masse der Bürger für einige Zeit erhalten, verschwindet jedoch über die Generationen. Der Status wird grundsätzlich akzeptiert. Es wird lediglich um moderate Verbesserungen der Lage gestritten.
    9. Die Asymmetrie zwischen Besitzenden und Besitzlosen (Sklaven): Der eine überlebt durch die Kapitalerträge bzw. Überschüsse; der andere hat keine Alternative zur Arbeit als den Hunger.
    10. Der Kapitalismus kann durch drei Arrangements abgelöst werden: Sozialismus, Eigentum oder Sklaverei.
    11. Der erste Typus des sozialistischen Reformers betrachtet die Enteignung als einzige adäquate Lösung für die modernen Übel; der zweite, der das sozialistische Ideal als Abstraktum vertritt, steuert eine bürokratische Lösung für den Übergang zum öffentlichen Eigentum an. Der „Praktiker“ ist unfähig seine ersten Prinzipien, die ihn in seinem Tun leiten, zu erkennen und deshalb nicht in der Lage, die Konsequenzen daraus abzuleiten.
    12. Die Unfreien identifizieren sich als Lohnarbeiter. Ihr Bestreben ist nicht die Veränderung ihres Standes, sondern die Erhöhung des Lohnes.

    Nachdenklich
    Zunächst wurde mir durch dieses Buch klarer, dass Kapitalismus nicht die einzige Alternative zum Sozialismus darstellt. Die Abhängigkeit von einer kleinen Klasse von Besitzern, die alle Überschüsse für sich anhäufen, stellt nach Belloc ein Grundsatzproblem dar.
    Ich bin selbst im Lohndenken erzogen worden. Der Instinkt für Boden und Kapital fehlt mir nicht gänzlich, ist jedoch gewohnheitsmässig verdrängt worden.
    Fertig gedacht bedeutet das bedingungslose Grundeinkommen ist sozusagen der letzte Schritt auf dem Weg zum Sklavenstaat bzw. zur Zementierung der Verhältnisse. Die Masse ist so zur totalen Passivität verdammt.
  • Guido Corvinus
    5.0 out of 5 stars About right...
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on January 2, 2015
    The book's main message that a state pretending to be a caring auntie for its people (so called "welfare" state) essentially makes slaves out of them.

    And remember it was written in 1912. Some people really can look around and draw conclusions.

    This bit is nice:
    "The legislator says, for instance, " You may pluck roses; but as I notice that you sometimes scratch yourself, I will put you in prison unless you cut them with scissors at least 122 millimetres long, and I will appoint one thousand inspectors to go round the country seeing whether the law is observed. My brother-in-law shall be at the head of the Department- at £2000 a year."

    And the author adds: "we are all familiar with that type of legislation". In 1912! What about now: are you familiar with this?

    How many brother-in-laws are looking after us for £200k a year now (which is apparently roughly the equivalent of £2000 in 1912)? How many are doing this for even more?

    Shouldn't we all be eternally grateful to them to spare us the horrors of rose prickles for so meagre a price? Not even mentioning other abundant gifts that their cornucopias are overflowing with...
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